In an op-ed published in the Baltimore Sun a few months ago, I questioned Maryland legislators' interest in mandating individual health insurance coverage.
I pointed out that Maryland already mandates that individuals buy auto
coverage, yet the rate of non-insurance for auto is 12 percent, not
much different from the rate of non-insurance for health, 14.9 percent.
I
also pointed out in that article that part of the reason many people
don't buy health coverage is because the legislature has made it
unaffordable by enacting 59 benefit mandates. It is hypocritical of the
legislature to pass so many laws raising the cost of coverage, then
blame people for not buying what the government has made unaffordable.
Though
my article didn't mention this, the case is even stronger in the 16
states where the rate of non-insurance is higher for mandated auto
coverage than for voluntary health coverage. (See table.)
I
wish California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger (R) had considered these
issues before putting together his "reform" package calling for
universal insurance coverage through a combination of individual
mandates and state subsidies, announced January 8. His proposal seems
to be a lot of misguided chatter with very little substance.
Table: Rate of Non-Insurance
Mandated Auto Versus Voluntary Health By State, 2004
| State |
Uninsured Rate
Mandatory Auto Insurance |
Uninsured Rate
Voluntary Health Insurance |
Alabama |
25.0 |
16.3 |
Arizona |
22.0 |
19.7 |
California |
25.0 |
20.6 |
District of Columbia |
21.0 |
15.0 |
Delaware |
12.0 |
11.5 |
Hawaii |
13.0 |
11.5 |
Illinois |
16.0 |
15.9 |
Indiana |
16.0 |
14.7 |
Iowa |
12.0 |
10.9 |
Kansas |
13.0 |
12.7 |
Michigan |
17.0 |
12.4 |
Minnesota |
10.0 |
9.1 |
Mississippi |
26.0 |
19.2 |
Ohio |
15.0 |
13.3 |
Rhode Island |
14.0 |
10.7 |
Washington |
18.0 |
16.0 |
| Sources:
"Uninsured Motorists: 2006 Edition," Insurance Research Council, and
"Sources of Health Insurance and Characteristics of the Uninsured:
Analysis of the March 2004 Current Population Survey," by Paul
Fronstin, Employee Benefit Research Institute, December 2004. |
Schwarzenegger
says "all Californians will be required to have health insurance
coverage," but he doesn't say how he will enforce that requirement.
Currently, California has a very high rate of non-insurance for health
insurance (20.6 percent), which is not currently mandated, but an even
higher rate for auto insurance (25 percent), which is mandatory.
In
addition, there isn't a word about how he intends to define what kind
of coverage is acceptable to meet the mandate. Is it the same coverage
that is on the market today, which so few people can afford? Does he
intend to keep all 49 benefit mandates in effect? Or will he allow
people to buy the coverage they prefer, instead of what the government
wants them to buy?
A political
note is in order here as well. Schwarzenegger says nothing about using
the "Connector" approach as was done in Massachusetts. The Connector is
the state agency through which all health insurance enrollment in
Massachusetts is being done. According to its Web page, "The Connector
serves as a bridge between eligible individuals, small employers, and
health plans to promote affordable private health insurance to
uninsured residents of Massachusetts."
The
Connector levels the playing field between employer- and individually
owned coverage, which is a good thing. Some free-market policy groups
supported the Massachusetts idea because they felt getting the
Connector in place was worth allowing mandatory coverage. But mandatory
coverage isn't necessary for the Connector idea to work. By acceding to
mandatory coverage in order to get the Connector, many free-market
advocates surrendered a fundamental principle of freedom for political
expediency.
Apparently, in California that process has
translated into thinking mandatory coverage is not such a violation of
freedom after all, so we'll do the mandate without bothering with this
Connector thing. Bad idea.
Schwarzenegger would also tax,
at 4 percent of payroll, all employers with more than 10 employees who
do not provide coverage. Again, this is a principle the business
community in Massachusetts went along with. But in Massachusetts, the
assessment was a relatively low $295 per employee per year.
Again,
this is the ol' foot-in-the-door trick: Get people to compromise on a
basic principle with a small hit this year, then hit them harder next
year.
It's
also a good example of the ol' divide-and-conquer trick. Employers with
fewer than 10 workers (80 percent of all employers in California) may
support the idea because it doesn't affect them. But there are three
major problems with it:
- Employers with 10 or
fewer employees are the source of most of the uninsured in the state,
so exempting them will do little to solve the problem.
-
Even at 4 percent of payroll, the cost per worker is a whole lot less
than the cost of providing coverage, so many employers who currently
provide coverage may decide to drop it.
-
It won't survive a challenge based on the federal Employee Retirement
Income Security Act (ERISA), which exempts employers who self-insure
from state health insurance laws. Businesses in Massachusetts didn't
bring an ERISA suit against the idea because the cost of complying
didn't justify the cost of suing. That may be different in California.
Schwarzenegger
has also proposed a new tax of 2 percent on doctors and 4 percent on
hospitals, ostensibly to cover higher payments to the state for all the
new users under Medi-Cal.
That sounds like another old
trick: Rob Peter to pay Paul. What's the point of raising Medi-Cal
payments if you turn around and take that money away in the form of
higher taxes?
I guess funneling the money through Medi-Cal
ensures getting federal matching dollars for it, but that just means
the rest of the states will be taxed more to pay for Schwarzenegger's
ambitions.
A whole lot of rhetoric, with virtually nothing positive in this stew.
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